Alberto Núñez Feijóo has rescued Spain’s housing shortage by converting a two-day eviction deadline into the flagship of a million-home ownership plan. The seventeen regional governments that already control every permit can keep their files open; the Partido Popular has simply moved the headline to the enforcement column instead. Voters now receive a timetable they can verify on a calendar while the actual supply question stays parked until after the ballots.

Feijóo, how does a 48-hour removal order generate one million new units when the same regional authorities that stalled the previous round of construction still decide who builds where? The party first announced the million homes, then timed the details for the weeks before the vote, and now offers the eviction clock as the single deliverable that fits inside one news cycle. The rest of the pipeline—land, permits, financing—remains exactly where it was.

The comparison is straightforward. A system that cannot clear its own surgical waiting lists inside two years is now asked to clear occupied flats inside two days. The same bureaucracy that treats every new housing development as an eighteen-month environmental review is suddenly expected to treat eviction as an administrative rubber stamp. Escalation follows quickly: first the cameras record the eviction, then the regional vetoes reappear on the next project, then the environmental studies resume their usual duration while the promised owners remain in the queue that already holds every prior housing plan.

This year’s award for converting a delivery shortfall into campaign material belongs to the Partido Popular for positioning the removal of squatters as the opening act of mass ownership. The 48-hour rule exists on paper. The question left hanging is which official in which autonomía will sign the permits and on whose land the million units will stand once the news cycle moves elsewhere. Feijóo has supplied the intended answer: the bottleneck was never supply, only insufficient speed at the door.

The eviction clock therefore carries the entire policy until polling day. After that, the million homes and the new generation of owners slide back into the same administrative stack that already contains the previous targets, the regional objections, and the studies that never conclude. The squatters receive a deadline. Everyone else receives another campaign cycle.

The eviction clock runs on schedule. The homes do not.